The Mendele Review: Yiddish Literature and Language
(A Companion to MENDELE)

Contents of Vol. 11.012 [Sequential No. 189]
Date: 11  November 2007

Katzetnik Issue – Part Two

1) This issue of TMR (ed).

2) On Katzetnik's Unknown Testimony at the Eichmann Trial

3) On Katzetnik's Unknown Testimony at the Eichmann Trial -- Text 

4) Yiddish "Ha-Tikva" [Romanized]

5) Al Jolson Sings "Ha-Tikva" [Older Ashkenazic Version]                      

6) Goldfadn's "Di yidishe hofenung" [Score]

7) Goldfadn's "Di yidishe hofenung" [Lyrics in Standard Yiddish]

8) Cantor Louis Danto sings "Di yiddishe hoffenung"

9) Instrumental Version of "Shofar shel Moshiach" [Another name for "Di yidishe hofenung"]

10) Periodicals Received –Afn shvel, Davka, Lebns-fragn


Date: 11 November 2007
From: ed.
This issue of TMR


*** This issue continues that of Katzetnik – Part One [TMR 11.011].  ***Professor Szeintuch finds in Katzetnik's overlooked testimony written prior to the Eichmann trial much that illuminates both the author and his work. This essay illuminates the "lost" Hebrew document here ably translated into English by Carrie Friedman-Cohen. *** Following Professor Szeintuch's introductory essay we have the text of the testimony itself. *** Nowhere does the vital – albeit often unappreciated – role of Yiddish in the growth of the Zionist movement show itself than in the many Yiddish songs of Zion. There may have been a number of Yiddish translations of the Zionist hymn "Ha-Tikva". Chana Mlotek, the well- known authority on Yiddish folk songs, was kind enough to search for and send us one Yiddish version of the anthem. She found this in Kvutsas shirim (New York: Hebrew Publishing Co., third edition, 1924), the same source for her informed reply concerning another Zionist song, "Tsien, Tsien" – also called "Vayn-lid" --which appeared in Mendele 6.151 [19 Dec 1996] . The Yiddish "Ha-Tikva" is a rather free rendition of the Hebrew original. Are there any Yiddish versions/adaptations of "Ha-Tikva" which can be sung to the traditional tune?  *** Al Jolson, one of America's most popular entertainers, can be heard here singing "Ha-Tikva" in its older wording and in Ashkenazic pronunciation.*** Goldfaden celebrated the centenary of the World Zionist Congress in Basle in 1897 in his composition (whose title suggests Ha-Tikva ) "Di yidishe hofenung."  *** We give the entire score of "Di hofenung" (also known as "Shoyfer fun Meshiekh") as well as cantorial and instrumental renditions of this well-known song. Amy Elizabeth Lefco in her Messianic Ideas and Yiddish Song (New York: School of Sacred Music, Hebrew Union College – Jewish Institute of Religion, 2000 has analysed  this essentially secular song's relationship to the messianic strand in Judaism. [see:] *** We note several periodicals Yiddish-lovers will want to know about – Afn shvel, Davka and Lebns-fragn.


Date: 11 November 2007
From: Prof. Yechiel Szeintuch  
Subject: On Katzetnik's Unknown Testimony at the Eichmann Trial 

Testimony fills a central role in writings on the Holocaust, especially in its literary prose. Writers of poetry, prose and drama, even after the Holocaust, maintained a strong connection between historical and imagined reality. Among those who experienced the horrors of the Second World War personally and as Jews, realistic representation was integral to their literary response. Katzetnik in his novel Salamandra and in his other works attempted to combine chronicle with narrative, to fuse the historical and the literary.  Katzetnik deliberated as to which representation of the Nazi reality to choose, testimonial or literary.  In choosing a name for the entire series of his Holocaust works, he  defined himself as writer of "the Chronicle of a Jewish Family in the 20th century." The combined elements of this genre definition -- "chronicle", "Jewish family", "20th century" --  reflect an attempt to forge a symbiosis between chronicle and literary prose. The order, sequence and character of the events he experienced imposed the chronicle mode of writing upon Katzetnik; realization that testimony alone was inadequate brought him to employ the mode of literary prose.

As a writer, he aspired to create an incontestible literary model of the Holocaust for generations to come. Katzetnik paints the historical experience of a persecuted nation by focusing on the fate of a single Jewish family under Nazi rule. The insatiable urge to bear testimony powers Katzetnik's Holocaust writing. Testimony alone, however, could not serve his purposes, since testimony draws a picture that is limited in scope. Its point of view is restricted in terms of the witness's circumscribed experience; it is selective in choosing what is to be witnessed. For a certainty, testimony alone is unable to establish a text valid for a general Jewish point of view for generations to come.  Katzetnik needed somehow to distance himself from his own testimony.  He did indeed strive to establish a certain distance from his personal connection to the actual models of his literary characters: he filled gaps in the testimony and sought to validate his own experiences and the experiences of those around him.

Katzetnik began his activity as a Holocaust writer immediately after the Second World War, writing his novel Salamandra in 1945. On the other hand, Yechiel De-Nur wrote his testimonial deposition in 1961, shortly before the Eichmann trial. Understanding his earlier literary composition helps us comprehend the later oral testimony.  The summoning of Yechiel De-Nur as a witness in the Eichmann trial was directly connected to his coincidental encounter with Eichmann in Katowice in the Gestapo office of Alfred Dreier, and again a short time later.  However, as is known, Yechiel De-Nur's appearance at the Eichmann trial was very brief due to his collapse at the beginning of his testimony. Paradoxically, the contents of what could have been the most famous testimony in the Eichmann trial remained unknown. Katzetnik at the end of 1961 published a description of his encounter with Eichmann during the Second World War in the journal Ba-Makhane (1). His account, however, did not receive due attention -- even though all the documents connected to the trial were openly available for the last forty-six years. Yechiel De-Nur's testimony was actually supposed to be the testimony of Katzetnik – the author of books about the Holocaust – whose civil identity as Yechiel De-Nur was completely unknown until the trial. Yechiel De-Nur did his utmost to appear before the judges under the name Katzetnik. However, five minutes before his appearance as a witness in the trial, Gideon Hausner the prosecutor informed him that the judges were not prepared to allow him to appear before them under the pen name Katzetnik.(2) In fact, Yechiel De-Nur's testimony was interrupted before it really began. Apparently, his testimony was supposed to be detailed rather than brief. Katzetnik's actual testimony was never brought before the court, even though a richly detailed document was prepared beforehand and still exists.

Moreover, this written testimony relates directly to Eichmann's activities in Poland, in Upper Eastern Silesia which was incorporated into the Reich. This testimony was to be rendered by a trustworthy witness who intended to give a personal account and reliable information concerning Eichmann's activities in Katowice. Searching for and documenting the available data concerning the testimonies which would be presented at the trial occupied the Israeli authorities for many months.  Before the trial, witnesses were asked to submit depositions to the Israeli police that included a summary of their intended future testimony. Yechiel De-Nur was also requested to do so. The following is the text of Yechiel De-Nur's oral deposition which he gave to chief inspector Michael Goldman-Gilad of the 06 division of the Israeli police shortly before the Eichmann trial. This document, additional information of which can be found in my forthcoming book, contains the entire range of issues and events which Yechiel De-Nur intended to broach.(3


1. Katzetnik, "Farteydiker Ikh Bashuldik Dikh," Di Shvue, Tel Aviv, 1995, pp. 151-154, 19982 (Yiddish). Originally published in Hebrew in: Ba-makhane, 16, December 19, 1961, pp. 8-9.

2. Chana Yablonka, Medinat Yisrael Neged Adolf Eichman, 2001, pp. 125-128, 130-131 [Hebrew].

3. Yechiel Szeintuch, Salamandra: Myth and History in Katzetnik's Writings, Jerusalem, The Dov Sadan Institute and the Carmel Publishing House [Hebrew, Forthcoming].


Date: 11 November 2007
From: Prof. Yechiel Szeintuch  
Subject: On Katzetnik's Unknown Testimony at the Eichmann Trial -- Text 


In August 1943 during the time of the ghetto's liquidation in  Zaglembia and Upper Silesia (Polish territory annexed to the German Reich following the occupation of Poland), I was taken and transported together with the remaining Jews from the area to the concentration camp Auschwitz. Before this they were concentrated in a special place called "Samtpunkt", where the Jews from the ghettos of Kamionka, Srodula, etc. were brought. From there we were led several kilometers by foot to the train station and loaded into the  freight cars in which we arrived at Auschwitz. These ghettos were concentration points of Jews who lived previously in the cities of Upper Silesia and in the remaining German annexed territories, except for the northernmost territory, i.e. the area of Lodz, etc. Responsible for those ghettos on behalf of the Jews were the personnel of the Zentrale der Juedischen Kultusgemeinden der eingegliederten Ostgebiete whose Sosnowiec officials were Moniek Merin, Mrs. Czarni and another Jew named Bohm. They were not those who ruled in the ghettos, but they were the enforcement instruments on behalf of the Germans, principally on behalf of Alfred Dreier, head of the Jewish division in the Gestapo – Abteilung J.

The liquidation of the ghettos in the vicinity started in the beginning of 1943. We already knew then that most of the Jews were being transported to Auschwitz, but we didn’t know yet that the Jews were being mass murdered there. We also didn’t know what the nature of the camp was.  The total and final liquidation of those ghettos was carried out, as stated, in August 1943. A short period before this, all the Centrale personnel of the Kultus Gemeinde were sent to Auschwitz. This was a clear sign to all that we faced total liquidation. In this period the Jews no longer went in the usual manner to the transports, but hid themselves in bunkers. I, too, hid in a bunker together with approximately thirty Jews, men, women and children. I was there approximately a week. The place was so crowded that after a few hours of sitting in the bunker it was impossible to light a match because of a lack of air. For a week without interruption, day and night, the Germans continued to get rid of the Jews. I heard gunfire and explosions. I later learned at the concentration point after I left the bunker that the Germans exploded bunkers with their inhabitants. I remember that during one of the searches for us in the vicinity of the bunker, we heard German footsteps approaching. A few moments before, a baby began to cry, and in order to save the others, the people sitting in the bunker demanded to silence the child, but it didn’t help until one of us took the child into his arms, and the child was silenced. When the danger passed and the mother asked for the return of the child she retrieved a lifeless child.  The mother went insane, took the child into her arms and started rocking him saying: Jews be quiet, you will wake my child. I noted this detail only to describe what our situation was like in hiding. After approximately a week I decided to leave [the place of hiding] since most of the people inside were dying or already dead. I reached the concentration point and found thousands of Jews there, all of whom either left or were taken out of the bunkers, and most of whom were without any belongings or additional clothing. I was there for a day and a night and the day after I too was taken to the rail cars. On the way to the concentration point when I left the bunker, I saw the dead around me in the ghetto, as if a carpet of corpses was spread over the entire ghetto. Also at the concentration point people died or were dying of exhaustion. SS men were moving around, and I also saw the Gestapo officer Dreier who conducted the liquidation. He would appear mainly when the train [took ?] a transport of people from the point of concentration away from the railroad station. During the day that I was there, three transports of more than 1000 people, men and women and a small number of children still left in the ghettos went with me. We were forced into the railcar with blows and shots into the crowd. We were compressed in such a way that we could not even breathe. Inside there were people under our feet and above our heads. I knew that we were being taken to Auschwitz. And according to the way in which people were being loaded as we were, we knew that we were being taken to be killed; but we didn’t know what this kind of death called Auschwitz was.

Although the distance to Auschwitz wasn’t great (totaling approximately forty kilometers), when we arrived at the train station in Auschwitz half of the rail car were dead. If we would have continued for another half hour under such conditions, not one person would have remained alive. When the Germans opened the doors of the rail cars, those who were still alive fell out, leaving the corpses inside. At the station we again saw SS men with dogs.

We were placed in single file and walked past a group of SS men who conducted a selection, one of them pointed to each person telling them which way to turn. Those who were turned to the right were led onto trains, and as I later learned, were led straight to death. Those who were turned to the left, including myself, were placed in lines. At the end of the selection, we were led, when night fell, in the direction of Birkenau. From a distance I saw a tall chimney from which thick smoke and sparks of fire rose. While still in the ghetto a rumor spread that in Auschwitz people were killed with gas and cremated. Even though we could not believe it, the information did exist.

When I saw the chimney from a distance, and saw that we were marching in that direction, it was clear to me that this was our final march, and that we were marching towards death. Additionally, the spark of life in each and every one of us didn’t allow us to come to terms with this thought to its end. We reached a certain building, were led inside, and following orders began to undress. We were taken out naked, each one of us with crossed arms, fingers spread and mouths open, and we passed through a gate where prisoners and Germans stood inspecting. In such a manner each one passed inspection to see if he didn’t take with him anything of value and hide it in his body. We were approximately two hundred people from the entire transport that left the concentration point before boarding the rail cars. We marched naked towards the bath house – the "sauna". I saw the shower heads on the "sauna's" ceiling. We looked at the shower heads above us and did not know what will happen to us in the next moment. And suddenly water began to flow out of the shower heads, and not the lethal gas.

At the end of the shower we were all taken out to another part of the "sauna", where prisoners' uniforms and wooden Dutch clogs were distributed to us. We were already without hair and when we put these clothes on, we didn’t recognize each other. We were led into a barrack where veteran prisoners sat next to tables like clerks, and began to fill in special forms on which they recorded details of every one of us.

I remember that they wrote down all of our personal details -- name, profession, last address, special features, etc. On this form, in as much as it was clear, every one of us signed his name at the bottom. It was strange for me to see the German order in the world of death called Auschwitz.

Before this we passed in line to another prisoner who with a special pen tattooed an identifying number on our arms, which was then registered on the above-mentioned personal form. After being registered and tattoed we were led to the living-quarter barracks.

I am unable and it is difficult for me now, while my words are being registered by hand to give a detailed description of life in the camp, the suffering of those who lived in it for twenty-four hours a day, as well as of everything my eyes saw during my stay there. I will therefore mention only a number of issues about which I am willing to expand on orally when necessary, and they are:

1.    Living conditions in the block (barrack)

2.    Nutrition and clothing

3.    Role-calls (apels < NHG Appell)

4.    Fake employment in preparation for the crematorium

5.    Punishments

6.    Arrival of families with children from Teresin; the impression this made on us; liquidation of the Teresin family camp after its inmates wrote letters home

7.    Cannibalism in the camp

8.    Selections

9.    Dr. Mengele's selection --which included my number – of those to be sent to the crematorium

10.The two-day stay in the isolation block prior to my being taken naked to the gas chamber

11.Being taken by truck in the direction of the gas chambers and being joined by a group of naked Gypsies

12.My hiding in a coal box on a truck, thus saving my life

13.My return to the camp while still naked, and my joining a transport to "Gunther Grube" (Auschwitz 3) to work in the coal mines

14.Arrival of a German political prisoner sent from Auschwitz to be "lager eltester" < NHG Aeltester" (camp head on behalf of the prisoners); his helping the prisoners. Thanks to Ludwig Worl, who today lives in East Germany, most of the camp's prisoners were saved prior to  evacuation of all Auschwitz camps on 18 January 1945.

15.The evacuation and my escape from the death march in the woods.

Finally, I would like to mention a specific event from the period of my stay in the ghetto. This was in January 1943. One day I received a summons from the Gestapo in Katowice to appear before the Gestapo official responsible for the Jewish division, Alfred Dreier, who I mentioned earlier. In this period my friends abroad endeavored to obtain for me Uruguayan citizenship. I knew this from an illegal contact with them through the Swiss consulate in Berlin. When I received the summons I thought that it was probably connected to this issue. I also knew that any Jew who appeared before the Gestapo in Katowice, and especially before Dreier, did not return to the ghetto. It was impossible not to appear because not doing so meant a death sentence for me and for my family. I therefore went to Katowice on the basis of this summons. I entered the Gestapo building and presented myself before Dreier in his office. On the table in front of him I saw papers, and he said to me something like: "Ah a foreign citizen". I didn’t manage to respond since at that moment the door behind Dreier opened, and in came a Gestapo officer in  black uniform and death skull on his hat. This tall man approached Dreier's desk, took the papers Dreier was looking at when he mentioned  I was a foreign citizen, tore them up in front of me, and threw them into the wastepaper basket next to the desk. At that point Dreier made a sharp gesture towards the door with the meaning that I leave the place at once. I immediately left the office, exited the building and returned to the ghetto.

That same day after I returned to the ghetto a rumor spread that the "Sonderkommando" had arrived on the premises. We knew then that in every place the total liquidation of the ghetto was preceded by the appearance of the Sonderkommando. Not one of us knew what or who they were, a whole group, a few Gestapo men, or where they came from.  We immediately began to speak about the ghetto's existence and learned in the ghetto that the Sonderkommando was already in the Centrale of the Kultus Gemeinde. I walked in the direction of the Centrale to see them with my own eyes, because in that period I took notes on the events in the ghettos in the vicinity, and even received information from one of the Centrale's heads, Bohm, who knew that I was writing everything down with the purpose of leaving a  memoir. I stood at the gate in front of the Centrale building and suddenly the SS officer who tore up my papers when I was with Dreier, came out. From the clerks of the Centrale, who stood outside of the building in order not to be inside during the Sonderkommando's visit, I heard for the first time the name Adolf Eichmann, and the clerks pointed to that officer saying that he was Eichmann.

Dreier and some local Gestapo men whom the ghetto people knew by name left the building together with Eichmann. A few days later, Bohm, among other things told me that the Gestapo officer who visited the Centrale together with Dreier was Adolf Eichmann.

It is worth mentioning that when I was with Dreier what was etched in my memory was his gaze, a penetrating hypnotic and fearful gaze. I looked at this face and saw only the eyes. I will never be able to forget that gaze. It appeared to me as if the man was looking at me through the holes of the death skull's eyes on his hat.  It was clear that by tearing up my papers that day the Gestapo man sealed my fate and sentenced me to death.

It is difficult to say that I will be able to identify the man, because I actually saw, as I explained; only his eyes, and they were etched in my memory and blurred the rest of his face.

This is my deposition and I certify it as correct and true with my signature…………..

The deposition was registered by Chief Inspector Goldman.
(Translated from the Hebrew manuscript by Carrie Friedman-Cohen)

Date: 11 November 2007
From: Chana Mlotek 
Subject: Romanized Yiddish "Ha-Tikva" (note daytshmerizms)

Zo lang der yid git simonim
Fun libe tsum heylik land,
Un kert um in davnen zayn ponim,
Un kukt oyfn mizrakh-vant –

Nokh ken undzer hofnung nit shvindn,
Di hofnung fun alter tsayt
Di alte heym tsu bagrindn,
Mit Dovids herlekhkeyt!

Zo lang an oyg vert nit trukn
Oyf muter tsiens brokh,
Un heylike kvorim bakukn
Geyen fil toyznter nokh –

Zo lang fun heylikn moyer
Git nokh der yid a kler,
Un oyf dem altn troyer
Lozt nokh an oyg a trer –

Zo lang dem yardns veln
Kayklen zikh ibern breg,
Un royshn un vaksn un kveln,
Un yogn mit vildn geyeg –

Zo lang oyf tsiens veglekh
Shteyt nokh a toyer vist,
Un fun di khurves kleglekh
Di tokhter fun tsien grist –

Zo lang men hert dem klog nokh
Fun yidn do un dort,
Un oft a shtik far-tog nokh
Hert zikh a yidish vort –

Zo lang dem yidns gefiln
Zaynen far tsien tseflamt,
Vet er nokh, mit gots viln,
Kumen tsum ort vu er shtamt –

Goles-brider, hert mir reydn
Mit profetn-tsung:
Nor ven der letster yid vet sheydn,
Shtarbt undzer hofnung –

Nokh ken undzer hofnung...

Date: 11 November 2007
From: Mt.Zion Congregation
Subject: Al Jolson Sings "Ha-Tikva" [older Ashkenazi version]

Date: 11 November 2007
From: Penina Goldenberg
Subject: "Die Yidishe Hofnung" words and music by A. Goldfaden








Click on any picture to get a larger scale score page

Date: 11 November 2007
From: Penina Goldenberg
Subject: "Die Yidishe Hofnung" by A. Goldfaden in the original and in Standard Yiddish Orthography

Di Yiddishe Hofnung [Di yidishe hofenung]

[These are the lyrics printed with the score. In this period it was thought elegant to spell and even pronounce words according to the NHG pattern; however, many writers may give us naïve spellings that often record pronunciation. See below for the song in Standard Yiddish.]

lyrics on score

page one of score

Nit weit zu gehn ken a ye der er sehn vi un ter a shtein tief in der hail,

liegt un ser kroin ach yoh-ren lang shoin do vid me-lech yis-ro-el, oi

Do-vid do-vid shteh auf fon dein shlof ge-

page two of score

tra yer pas tuch sog was is zu tohn seh wi men koi let aus dei-ne

a-reme shof un kai ner nemt sich fir sei gor nit ohn un as

Do-vid wet der he-ren shoi fer shel mo shi ach

wet er sich auf cha pen fon kai ver gikh un

page three of score

wet sich auf set zen auf sein shtil un ge ben auf sein fi-de-le a shpiel

un in dem mo-ment we-len fli-hen hend fon fiele mu-si-kan-ten a

ye der yid wet sin-gen a lied fon thi-lim --- dem be-kan-ten

der groi-ser yam wet sich ein-hal-ten kam un zu shok-len mit-die bet-lach un der

page four of score

grin-ner wald wet sich auf-cha-pen bald un zu ples ken mit-die-bet-lach un

Do vid wet shpi-len auf sein fi-de-le - un wet sin-gen oh dos li-de-le

un do-vid wet shpi-len auf sein fi-de-le un wet sin-gen oh dos li-de-le

yis ro lik is noch nit fer-lo ren yis ro lik wet noch nei ge-bo-ren

singt mit mir oh dem shir

zu dem le be di-gen Gott singt mit mir oh dem shir zu dem le-be di gen Gott.


Standard Yiddish

Nit vayt tsu geyn yederer zen vi unter a shteyn tif in der heyl,

Ligt unzer kroyn akh yorn lang shoyn Dovid meylekh Yisroel, oy

Dovid Dovid shtey oyf fun dayn shlof ge


trayer pastekh zog vos iz tsu ton ze vi men koylet oys dayne

Oreme shof un keyner nemt zikh far zey gornit on az

Dovid vet derhern shoyfer shel moshiekh

Vet er zikh oyfkhapn fun keyver gikh un


Vet zikh oyfzetsn oyf zayn shtul un gebn oyf zayn fidele a shpil

Un in dem moment veln flien hent fun file muzikantn a

Yeder yid vet zingen a lid fun tilim – dem bakantn

Der groyser yam vet zikh aynhaltn un tsushoklen mit di betlekh un der *


Griner vald vet zikh oyfkhapn bald un tsuplesken mit di betlekh un

Do vet shpiln oyf zayn fidele – un vet zingen o dos lidele

Un Dovid vet shpiln oyf zayn fidele un vet zingen dos lidele

Yisrolik iz nokh nit farlorn yisrolik vet nokh nay geborn

Zingt mit mir o dem shir

Tsu dem lebedikn Got zingt mit mir o dem shir tsu dem lebedikn Got.

* Cantor Danto zingt: 'Der groyser yam vet zikh shoklen koym un royshn mit di khvalyes getlekh'.

Date: 11 November 2007
From: Robert Goldenberg
Subject: Cantor Louis Danto Sings “Di Yiddishe Hoffenung” [“Di yidishe hofenung”]

Note: Cantor Danto sings only part of Goldfden's song.

Select the 4th song from the list within the radio set.

Date: 11 November 2007
From: London Hot Latkes Klezmer Bandot H

Subject: Instrumental Version of "Shofar shel Moshiach" [Another name for "Di yidishe hofenung"]

8. Shofar shel Moshiach [Meshiekh]

An instrumental version of Di Yiddishe Hofnung [Yidishe], the Yiddish Hatikva composed by Abraham Goldfaden on the occasion of the Zionist conference of 1897 in Basel, Switzerland. Famed cantor Yossel Rosenblatt [Yosele Roznblat] toured Palestine in 1933 singing this melody with the words:”Yet when the shofar of the Messiah will sound, Moses will arise from his grave to restore and renew us. Then everyone will exist in peace and friendship together: and unity will be the banner for all. Dance and play, dear brothers and sisters; Israel lives again in happiness.”

Date: 11 November 2007
From: ed.
Subject: Periodicals Received:

Afn shvel, gezelshaftlekh-literarisher zhurnal. Organ fun der yidish-lige. Harbst 2007, num' 339, New York. This rich 68-page memorial issue devoted to the memory of the outstanding Yiddish activist, teacher and scholar, Mordkhe Schaechter, may be ordered from the League for Yiddish, 45 E. 33rd St., Suite 203, New York, NY 10016. Tel.: 212-889-0380.  / I especially recommend Dr. Schaechter's own essay 'Laytish mame-loshn: der khilek tsvishn "Litvish yidish" un Litvish yidish'.


 Davka, erets yidish ve-tarbuta

The third issue of Davka makes eminently clear that there are young Israeli writers capable of writing knowledgably and interestingly on varied facets of Yiddish culture. In addition to the front cover, we give here the inside front cover which contains the Table of Contents and full details for ordering the journal.



Lebns-fragn, sotsialistishe khoydesh-shrift far politik, gezelshaft un kultur

Back cover of September-October 2007 issue, 57th Year, Nos. 659-660.
This veteran journal stubbornly continues to appear, one of the few remaining Yiddish periodicals in Israel. See too

Click on the picture to get a full size page


End of The Mendele Review Vol. 11.012

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